DOCUMENT: CLS-REBUILD · CLASSIFICATION: PUBLIC METHODOLOGY: SYMMETRIC · STATUS: ACTIVE

← Roster

475
Failing
CHARACTER CREDIT SCORE · 300–850
13/40
Unfit
FOUR PILLARS

Composite 3.95 / 10, weighted per the Constitutional Weight Schedule.

Below the 700 bar, Author's Verdict: not supported.

Does not clear the bar. The honorable prior military and county-judge service is real and is credited as context and as substance (M14), but it does not offset the in-office conduct the card measures: belonging- denial rhetoric toward a faith community (scored as a discourse/dignity drag, not a capping flag), a March 2025 chair-power decorum episode, weak cross-aisle conduct, and a candor gap. Policy, party, and ideology are not scored. On the conduct composite alone the record lands in the Failing band, below the support line.

★ Service to Country
U.S. Army · Colonel · 1975–2003

Military service to country is honored here as context, not as a score. Subject-matter command developed in that service and in foreign-affairs work is scored as conduct under M14 (Substance), where it belongs. The badge contextualizes the record; it does not move the composite, and it does not offset documented conduct concerns elsewhere on the card.

The 14 measures

Each measure is scored 0–10 against an anchored example, with a cited source. Hover/expand why? for the reasoning.

#MeasureScoreWhy
M01 Duty to Constitution & Rule of Law 4
why?
Seated January 2023, could NOT have signed the December 2020 Texas v. Pennsylvania amicus or participated in the January 6, 2021 certification, so no Criterion-8 process-subversion attaches on those grounds (contamination guarded). What pulls the oath-fidelity measure down is conduct, not votes: as a subcommittee chair in March 2025 he used the chair's procedural power to deny a duly-elected colleague the recognition the House affords her, then adjourned the proceeding when a member objected, a use of legitimate authority to defeat the orderly conduct of the body's business. Below the midpoint, but not at the floor: this is a single documented procedural-abuse episode, not a pattern of subverting a constitutional outcome. [source]
M02 Party Over Country 3
why?
A Freedom Caucus member whose cohort the data describe as having 'little interest in working with Democratic colleagues' (Freedom Caucus median DW-NOMINATE +0.681 vs +0.455 for other House Republicans, per Pew). Low cross-party cosponsorship and a posture of confrontation over institution-first compromise. This scores the conduct of placing factional advantage over the shared institution, not the underlying ideology, which is not graded. [source]
M03 Persons of Equal Worth 4
why?
Persons-of-equal-worth is dragged by documented conduct, weighed carefully against the rule that policy and ideology are NOT graded. Two strands: (1) the March 2025 hearing in which, as chair, he repeatedly addressed a colleague in terms denying her recognized status, then adjourned when confronted, an individual-directed dignity lapse; and (2) public characterizations of Islam as 'a culture with a patina of religion' that is 'stuck in the 8th century' and 'a culture of violence and domination.' The second strand is a genuine belonging-denial concern toward a faith community that includes American citizens, it demeans a class while still treating them as persons with (in his framing) bad views, which is the 3–4 tier of the boundary ladder, not the dehumanization floor. It is held distinct from his anti-Sharia legislative advocacy, which is contested policy the standard does not score. Below the midpoint on documented belonging-denial conduct. [source]
M04 Weaponization of Justice 4
why?
No documented weaponization of state law-enforcement or prosecutorial power against named rivals, and no Criterion-8 election-subversion conduct (seated after Dec 2020). The drag is the March 2025 use of the chair's gavel to shut down a proceeding rather than recognize a colleague, an abuse of a granted procedural power, weighed here as a real but bounded instance. Below midpoint, not at the floor. [source]
M05 Incitement / Anti-Belonging 4
why?
Rhetoric is dragged by group-characterizing language about a faith community ('a culture of violence and domination,' 'patina of religion,' an 'existential threat') that goes beyond ordinary policy advocacy on immigration or national security, which the standard does NOT grade. This is a real, repeated rhetorical drag rather than a single heated line. It is held at a below-midpoint drag, NOT the incitement floor: there is no documented call to confront, threaten, or direct action against persons, and much of the surrounding record is anti-Sharia legislative advocacy (contested policy, not scored). Below midpoint. [source]
M06 Fiduciary Conduct 5
why?
No House Ethics Committee finding, sanction, or open referral located. The 'double game' reporting (courting a Muslim community in 2022 and at a 2025 fundraiser, then turning sharply against it publicly) is a consistency/appearance concern, not a fiduciary breach. Honest middle: no proven impropriety, but the whipsaw between private posture and public rhetoric is a real candor concern, not erased. [source]
M07 Duty to Call Out 3
why?
The active-duty standard is calling out one's OWN side at cost. The located record shows the opposite, a member who reinforces in-group lines rather than challenging them, and whose anti-Sharia campaign was itself criticized from within his own party's primary (a retired Army captain entered against him calling the rhetoric 'dangerous'). No documented instance of Self himself paying a cost to call out his own side. Below midpoint. [source]
M08 The Discretion Test 5
why?
The discretion test asks how granted authority is used when no one is watching or compelling. No documented private-enrichment or self-dealing use of office discretion located across his county-judge and congressional tenure. The one visible discretionary act of note, adjourning the March 2025 hearing, is already weighed under M01/M04. Honest middle: no proven abuse, no standout affirmative restraint. [source]
M09 The No-Camera Test 4
why?
The private-vs-public consistency measure is dragged by the reported gap between warm private engagement with Muslim constituents and donors (2022 home gatherings, a 2025 Dallas fundraiser at which he spoke fondly of Muslim-majority countries) and sharply hostile public rhetoric days later. A documented face-to-the-room / face-to-the-camera divergence. Below midpoint. [source]
M10 Constituent-vs-Donor Vote 4
why?
Constituent-fidelity is mixed. A safe-seat representative whose public bandwidth leans heavily toward a national culture-war theme rather than district-specific service raises a genuine attention-allocation concern about whom the office is being run for. Not scored on policy; scored on the conduct of office-focus. Below midpoint. [source]
M11 Net-Worth Trajectory 5
why?
M11 scores ONLY office-attributable enrichment (self-dealing, family payments, office-information trades, foreign-government revenue), NOT raw wealth or party. No such conduct located in disclosures or reporting. Honest middle reflecting the absence of both a clean affirmative record and any documented breach. [source]
M12 Floor Decorum 3
why?
Institutional decorum is dragged by the March 2025 chairing episode, provoking a 'you are out of order / have you no decency?' rebuke from a colleague and then adjourning the body's business rather than proceeding with regular order. Honoring the institution over the spectacle is the standard; the documented act inverts it. Below midpoint. [source]
M13 Lying & Misleading 4
why?
Truthfulness/candor is dragged by sweeping characterological claims about an entire faith ('a culture with a patina of religion,' 'stuck in the 8th century') presented as factual threat-assessment, and by the private/public consistency gap noted at M09. No discrete provable-falsehood conviction located, so this is not at the floor, but the rhetoric strains good-faith characterization. Below midpoint. [source]
M14 Knowledge Depth 6
why?
A genuine substance credit: a long U.S. Army career (retiring as a colonel), service on House Foreign Affairs with documented legislative wins in a State Department reauthorization bill, and prior executive experience as Collin County Judge (2007–2018). Real subject-matter command in defense and foreign policy keeps this the highest measure on the card. Upper-middle. [source]

Why not higher, the points withheld

The standard is the seat; the ceiling is a perfect 10. Every withheld point traces to documented conduct, weighed where the measures and attributes say it belongs, shown openly here, the same way the earned points are.

WhereDocumented conductMitigation weighed
M03 March 2025: as subcommittee chair, repeatedly addressed Rep. Sarah McBride in terms denying her recognized status, then adjourned the hearing when a colleague objected; plus public characterization of Islam as 'a culture with a patina of religion' / 'stuck in the 8th century'
↳ Persons of Equal Worth, belonging-denial conduct
Distinguished from anti-Sharia policy advocacy, which is not graded; held at the demeans-a-class tier, not the dehumanization floor; the McBride strand is individual-directed, not a whole-class pattern
M05 Group-characterizing rhetoric ('a culture of violence and domination,' 'existential threat,' 'patina of religion') toward a faith community
↳ Rhetoric, belonging-denial drag
Ordinary policy heat is not penalized; no documented call to confront/threaten persons, so held as a below-midpoint drag, not the incitement floor
M02 Freedom Caucus member; low cross-party cosponsorship; cohort median DW-NOMINATE +0.681 vs +0.455 for other House Republicans
↳ Faction-over-institution conduct
Scores conduct, not ideology; bipartisanship is a measurable behavior
M12 March 2025: adjourned a committee proceeding rather than proceed with regular order after a decorum objection
↳ Institutional-decorum drag
Single documented episode, not a career pattern
M01 Used the chair's procedural power to deny colleague recognition and shut down the body's business
↳ Procedural-authority misuse (NOT election-subversion, seated after Dec 2020)
No Criterion-8 process-subversion conduct; bounded single episode
M09 Reported gap between warm private engagement with Muslim constituents/donors (2022 gatherings, 2025 fundraiser) and sharply hostile public rhetoric days later
↳ Private/public consistency divergence
-
M07 No documented instance of calling out his own side at cost; criticized from within his own primary for the rhetoric
↳ Active call-out duty unmet
-

The Four Pillars, worthy to be followed?

A separate axis from the 14 measures. The measures ask did their conduct meet the standard; the Pillars ask is this someone worthy to be elevated and followed at all. The two can diverge, when they do, the divergence is the finding.

#PillarScoreWhy
I Trust & Loyalty
  • Would I follow them into uncertainty or adversity?
  • Would I trust them with my life or reputation?
  • Would I trust them to lead others honorably when the stakes are high?
4
why?
Attributes: Courage, Selfless Service, Steadiness, Loyalty. A genuine record of long military and county-judge service supports Selfless Service in the abstract, but the in-office record shows loyalty channeled into faction and in-group reinforcement rather than the broader institution. Held below midpoint by the absence of any documented own-side call-out.
II Aspiration & Integrity
  • Do I admire their values and how they live them?
  • Do they reflect the kind of person I hope to become?
  • Do I feel challenged to be better because of their example?
3
why?
Attributes: Conviction, Authenticity, Self-Reflection, Teachability. The reported private-warm / public-hostile gap toward the Muslim community cuts against Authenticity and Consistency, and there is no located instance of public self-correction. Conviction is present but not paired with the self-reflection the pillar rewards.
III Protection & Influence
  • Would I trust this person to protect what I love most?
  • Would I trust them to influence someone I care deeply about?
  • Would those under their authority be safer and better for it?
3
why?
Attributes: Protection, Courage in Conflict, Stewardship, Accountability. Influence has been used to characterize a community in belonging-denying terms rather than to protect the vulnerable, and the chair-power episode is an Accountability drag. Low.
IV Legacy & Virtue
  • Would I be proud if my child grew up to be like them?
  • Do they embody the virtues I want carried into the future?
  • If their influence continued in others, would the world be better or worse?
3
why?
Attributes: Integrity, Moral Courage, Justice, Love of Truth. The group-demonizing rhetoric weighs against Justice and Love of Truth; sweeping characterological claims about a faith strain good-faith truthfulness. The military-service legacy is real but does not offset the in-office conduct the pillar measures.
TOTAL: Unfit 13/40

Total 13/40, Weak. The pillars hold low because the documented in-office conduct, group-characterizing rhetoric toward a faith community and a chair-power decorum episode, bears on the character attributes the pillars measure, and the honorable prior service is scored as context, not as an offset.

What the Four Pillars are & the questions behind each →

In their own words

“Mr. McBride.”

House Foreign Affairs Europe Subcommittee hearing, as chair, addressing Rep. Sarah McBride; repeated after a colleague objected, then adjourned the hearing · Texas Tribune / Washington Post, March 12 2025 · CONTESTED · cite

“a culture with a patina of religion ... stuck in the 8th century ... a culture of violence and domination”

House floor speech on Sharia · Self House press release; Texas Tribune Jan 26 2026 · CONTESTED · cite

“Self secured 15 wins in the Department of State reauthorization bill.”

House Foreign Affairs Committee legislative work product · Self House press release · CIVIC · cite

Full personnel file

1. Identity

Keith Alan Self. U.S. Representative for Texas's 3rd Congressional District since January 3, 2023 (R); re-nominated in the March 2026 Republican primary and on the November 2026 general-election ballot. Career U.S. Army officer 1975–2003, retiring as colonel; West Point graduate. Collin County Judge (county executive), Texas, 2007–2018. Member of the House Freedom Caucus; serves on House Foreign Affairs, where he chairs the Europe Subcommittee. Co-founder, with Rep. Chip Roy, of the Sharia-Free America Caucus (December 2025).

2. Voting / Legislative Profile

House Freedom Caucus member with a confrontational, low-bipartisanship profile (Freedom Caucus cohort median DW-NOMINATE +0.681 vs +0.455 for other House Republicans, per Pew; the cohort is characterized as having little interest in cross-party cooperation). Documented committee work product includes negotiated provisions in a State Department reauthorization bill via the Foreign Affairs Committee. Signature recent initiative: the Sharia-Free America Caucus and associated legislation to deny entry to and remove non-citizen Sharia adherents. Policy positions are NOT graded on this card in either direction; only conduct is scored.

3. Constitutional Moments

Seated January 2023, after the December 2020 Texas v. Pennsylvania amicus and the January 6, 2021 certification, neither of which he could have participated in; no Criterion-8 election-subversion conduct attaches on those grounds (contamination guarded). The defining documented institutional moment of his tenure is the March 2025 Europe Subcommittee hearing he chaired, in which he repeatedly declined to recognize a colleague's status and adjourned the proceeding after a 'have you no decency?' objection, weighed as a procedural-authority and decorum concern, not as a constitutional-process subversion.

4. Rhetoric & Discourse Profile

The rhetoric record is the central conduct concern on this card. Beyond ordinary policy advocacy, which the standard does not grade, the documented record includes group-characterizing language about a faith community: 'a culture with a patina of religion,' 'stuck in the 8th century,' and a 'culture of violence and domination.' Paired with the March 2025 misrecognition of a colleague, this is documented belonging-denial conduct, scored as a real drag on M03/M05/M13. It is weighed carefully against the anti-Sharia legislative advocacy that surrounds it, which is contested policy the standard does not score. It is held as a below-midpoint drag rather than a capping flag: there is no documented call to confront, threaten, or direct action against persons, and the McBride strand is individual-directed rather than a whole-class incitement pattern.

5. Fiduciary Profile

No House Ethics Committee finding, sanction, or open referral located as of June 2026, and no documented office-attributable enrichment (self-dealing, family payments, office-information trades, foreign-government revenue). The standing fiduciary-adjacent concern is candor rather than money: reporting of a 'double game', private warmth toward Muslim constituents and donors in 2022 and at a 2025 Dallas fundraiser, followed by sharply hostile public rhetoric, is weighed as an appearance-and-consistency concern, not a proven breach.

6. Severity-Class Conduct

No confirmed severity-class capping flag. The March 2025 chair-power decorum episode and the documented belonging-denial rhetoric toward a faith community are real conduct concerns, but they are scored where they belong, as drags on the discourse and dignity measures (M03/M05/M12/M13), rather than elevated to a Criterion-10 capping flag. The reason the flag does not attach: a capping enemy-making flag requires a documented, sustained pattern of casting persons as enemies who do not belong, with the people (not the ideology) as the target; here much of the record is anti-Sharia legislative advocacy (contested policy the standard does not grade), the McBride strand is individual-directed rather than whole-class, and no call to confront or threaten persons is documented. No Criterion-8 flag either: seated after the December 2020 amicus and the January 6, 2021 certification, he is not on the signatory list. The record fails on the composite, not on a flag.

7. What The Framework Says

Keith Self brings a genuinely honorable record of prior service, decades in the Army and a decade as a county executive, and real subject-matter command in foreign affairs, which the card credits at M14. But the card grades in-office conduct against the oath, and there the documented record is weak: belonging-denial rhetoric toward a faith community (held distinct from his anti-Sharia legislation, which is policy and is not scored), a March 2025 use of chair power to deny a colleague recognition and shut down a proceeding, low cross-aisle conduct, and a private/public candor gap. The standard guards against contamination, he could not have signed the 2020 amicus, and party, ideology, and policy positions are not scored. No capping severity flag attaches; the record lands in the Failing band on the conduct composite alone.

8. Sources & Where To Look Deeper

Tier 1 (primary): Congress.gov member profile · House financial disclosures (OGE)

Tier 2: Texas Tribune · Washington Post · Lugar Center / McCourt Bipartisan Index · Pew Research, Freedom Caucus

Research links: Congress.gov member profile · Ballotpedia · GovTrack · Wikipedia · House financial disclosures (OGE)

Scores derive from the fixed Constitutional Weight Schedule. The bar does not move. Conduct, not party.

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