Composite 5.38 / 10, weighted per the Constitutional Weight Schedule.
Below the 700 bar, Author's Verdict: not supported.
Lands in the Unfit band at credit 570, below the 700 support line, Author's Verdict: not supported. (See section 7 for the full reasoning.)
No military service record. Career background is family-owned grocery business (Rulli Bros. Markets) and Ohio state legislative service prior to Congress. Service context is not scored; noted for completeness.
The 14 measures
Each measure is scored 0–10 against an anchored example, with a cited source. Hover/expand why? for the reasoning.
| # | Measure | Score | Why |
|---|---|---|---|
| M01 | Duty to Constitution & Rule of Law | 6 | why?Took office via the June 2024 special election, seated long after the December 2020 certification, so could NOT have signed the Texas v. Pennsylvania amicus (Dec 11 2020) and was not in federal office for the Jan-6 certification. No documented act using legal-on-its-face power to defeat a constitutional purpose; no crit-8 conduct on the record. Held at a confidence-adjusted middle rather than higher because the federal tenure is short (under two years) and offers limited documented evidence of affirmative oath-defense at cost. Not scored on any impeachment/certification/confirmation vote or caucus alignment, per the contamination rule. [source] |
| M02 | Party Over Country | 5 | why?Limited cross-aisle record to evaluate at the federal level given the short tenure; GovTrack does not display leadership/ideology scores for him (fewer than 10 bills introduced). In the Ohio Senate he showed some independence, one of 12 to vote against HB 6 (the FirstEnergy corruption bill) and co-sponsored the Ohio Fairness Act, evidence of willingness to break from leadership, scored as conduct (institutional independence) not policy. Net middle on thin federal evidence. [source] |
| M03 | Persons of Equal Worth | 6 | why?No documented pattern of casting opponents or citizens as enemies who don't belong; no crit-10 conduct. The Ohio Fairness Act co-sponsorship (civil-rights expansion) cuts toward a persons-of-equal-worth posture. Held at upper-middle rather than higher on thin documented federal-rhetoric record. [source] |
| M04 | Weaponization of Justice | 6 | why?No documented weaponization of state power against rivals or critics; no criterion-class conduct found. Middle on limited record; nothing affirmatively constraining or abusing state power on the books in his short federal tenure. [source] |
| M05 | Incitement / Anti-Belonging | 6 | why?No documented sustained inflammatory or dehumanizing rhetoric. The thin record shows no enemy-making pattern but also no notable high-mark restraint moment. Net middle. [source] |
| M06 | Fiduciary Conduct | 4 | why?Two distinct judgment/appearance concerns. First, he hired Mike Peppel, who settled with the Ohio AG, paid a $25,000 civil penalty, and accepted a lifetime ban on Ohio charity work over the Ohio Clean Water Fund East Palestine-relief scheme, as his congressional communications director, and publicly defended the hire. Second, the November 2022 shooting incident on his property: a special prosecutor found the conduct 'reasonable' and declined to charge, so it is weighed as an appearance-concern, not a finding. Both are genuine fiduciary/judgment drags; no rule violation or sanction against Rulli himself. Below-middle. [source] |
| M07 | Duty to Call Out | 5 | why?The active-duty standard is calling out one's OWN side at cost. The HB 6 no-vote in the Ohio Senate (against the FirstEnergy corruption bill, breaking from the bill's backers) is the closest documented instance of independence at potential cost, though it predates federal office. No comparable documented federal call-out yet. Net middle. [source] |
| M08 | The Discretion Test | 5 | why?No documented instance of declining preferential treatment at personal cost, and none of accepting it improperly. The 2022 incident involved invoking a personal right to property defense rather than any office-derived advantage. Neutral middle on absence of either-direction evidence. [source] |
| M09 | The No-Camera Test | 5 | why?No documented public/private contempt gap. The disputed 2022 incident is a private-conduct appearance-concern that the special prosecutor declined to charge; it weighs lightly here as a judgment note rather than a finding of hypocrisy. Net middle. [source] |
| M10 | Constituent-vs-Donor Vote | 5 | why?Active constituent advocacy on East Palestine (his district's defining issue post-derailment) cuts positive on responsiveness. Offset by a 4.4% missed-vote rate (33 of 753 through April 2026), above the ~2.1% serving-member median, a modest diligence/attendance drag. Net middle. [source] |
| M11 | Net-Worth Trajectory | 6 | why?Scored ONLY on office-attributable enrichment: no documented self-dealing, family payments, office-information trades, or foreign-government revenue. Pre-office business wealth (family grocery business) is not penalized as a breach. The Peppel hire is a judgment concern scored under M06, not an enrichment finding here. Upper-middle on a clean office-enrichment record; held below higher tiers for short-tenure confidence only. [source] |
| M12 | Floor Decorum | 5 | why?Standard floor decorum with no documented institutional-decorum breaches. The above-median missed-vote rate (4.4%) is a minor diligence note against full participation in the institution's work. Net middle. [source] |
| M13 | Lying & Misleading | 5 | why?No documented sustained pattern of demonstrable falsehoods. The thin federal record provides no notable truth-telling high mark either. Neutral middle. [source] |
| M14 | Knowledge Depth | 5 | why?Short federal tenure with limited substantive legislative output (fewer than 10 bills introduced, per GovTrack). Background in business and the Ohio Senate provides some substance, but no documented deep federal policy command yet. Net middle, confidence-adjusted for short tenure. [source] |
Why not higher, the points withheld
The standard is the seat; the ceiling is a perfect 10. Every withheld point traces to documented conduct, weighed where the measures and attributes say it belongs, shown openly here, the same way the earned points are.
| Where | Documented conduct | Mitigation weighed |
|---|---|---|
| M06 | Hired Mike Peppel, who paid a $25,000 Ohio AG civil penalty and accepted a lifetime ban on Ohio charity solicitation over the East Palestine-relief 'Ohio Clean Water Fund' scheme, as his congressional communications director and publicly defended the hire ↳ Fiduciary judgment / appearance-of-impropriety | No rule violation or sanction against Rulli himself; Peppel settled civilly, was not criminally convicted |
| M06 | November 2022 incident: fired a handgun on his property toward individuals he believed were trespassing; special prosecutor found conduct 'reasonable' and declined to charge ↳ Private-conduct appearance-concern | Investigation found no physical evidence and no charges filed; weighed as appearance-concern, not a finding, captured in the M06 score, no separate deduction |
| M10 | Missed 33 of 753 roll-call votes (4.4%) through April 2026, above the ~2.1% serving-member median ↳ Diligence / attendance drag | - |
| M14 | Fewer than 10 bills introduced; limited substantive federal legislative output in short tenure ↳ Substantive-mastery drag | Short federal tenure (seated June 2024), confidence-adjusted, not a character finding |
The Four Pillars, worthy to be followed?
A separate axis from the 14 measures. The measures ask did their conduct meet the standard; the Pillars ask is this someone worthy to be elevated and followed at all. The two can diverge, when they do, the divergence is the finding.
| # | Pillar | Score | Why |
|---|---|---|---|
| I | Trust & Loyalty
| 6 | why?Attributes: Steadiness, Independence, the Ohio Senate HB 6 no-vote against a corruption bill shows willingness to break from backers, the strongest loyalty-to-oath signal. Held at a modest 6 on thin federal evidence; no documented drag toward Cowardice or Self-Interest, but little affirmative federal courage to point to yet. |
| II | Aspiration & Integrity
| 5 | why?Attributes: Conviction, Authenticity, consistent public posture. Drag toward judgment lapses: defending the Peppel hire is an Integrity/Self-Reflection concern (doubling down rather than reconsidering). Net middle. |
| III | Protection & Influence
| 5 | why?Attributes: Stewardship via East Palestine constituent advocacy. Drag: the Peppel staffing judgment and the disputed 2022 incident temper the influence pillar. No documented Exploitation of office. Middle. |
| IV | Legacy & Virtue
| 5 | why?Attributes: too short a record to establish a durable legacy in either direction. The judgment concerns (Peppel hire, 2022 incident) are real but uncharged/unsanctioned drags toward Favoritism that temper without a strong offsetting high mark. Confidence-adjusted middle. |
| TOTAL: Weak | 21/40 |
Total 21/40, Adequate-to-middling. The pillars sit in the middle because the documented record is thin (short federal tenure) and carries genuine judgment drags without strong offsetting high marks. Honest middle.
What the Four Pillars are & the questions behind each →
In their own words
“I have a god-given right to protect my family.”
Defending his conduct in the November 2022 property-shooting incident; special prosecutor later declined to charge · MEAWW / Mahoning Matters reporting · CONTESTED · cite
“Applauds President Trump's $10 Million East Palestine Relief Effort.”
Statement on federal relief for his district after the 2023 Norfolk Southern derailment · Rulli House office newsroom · CIVIC · cite
Full personnel file
1. Identity
Michael Anthony Rulli (born 1971). U.S. Representative for Ohio's 6th congressional district since June 2024, winning the special election to fill the seat vacated by Bill Johnson and concurrently the general term. Republican. Previously Ohio State Senator for the 33rd district (2019-2024). Background in the family-owned Rulli Bros. Markets grocery business in the Youngstown area. Seated well after the December 2020 certification and the January 6 2021 events.
2. Voting / Legislative Profile
Short federal tenure (seated June 2024). GovTrack does not display leadership/ideology scores (fewer than 10 bills introduced). Missed 33 of 753 roll-call votes (4.4%) through April 2026, above the ~2.1% serving-member median. Ohio Senate record (2019-2024) includes a notable HB 6 no-vote (one of 12 senators against the FirstEnergy corruption bill) and co-sponsorship of the Ohio Fairness Act, both scored as conduct (independence, equal-worth posture), not policy. Federal focus has centered on East Palestine derailment recovery in his district.
3. Constitutional Moments
No federal constitutional-fidelity moment at personal cost on the documented record yet, owing to the short tenure. He was NOT in federal office in 2020-2021 and could not have signed the Texas v. Pennsylvania amicus or participated in the Jan-6 certification, no crit-8 conduct. The closest documented independence moment is the Ohio Senate HB 6 no-vote against a corruption bill, predating federal service.
4. Rhetoric & Discourse Profile
No documented sustained inflammatory or enemy-making rhetoric pattern, no crit-10 conduct. The most contested public statement is the "god-given right to protect my family" framing of the disputed 2022 property-shooting incident, weighed as an appearance-concern. Otherwise a thin federal rhetoric record with no notable high or low mark.
5. Fiduciary Profile
No documented office-driven enrichment: no self-dealing, family payments, office-information trades, or foreign-government revenue found. Pre-office family-business wealth is not penalized. The genuine fiduciary appearance-concern is judgment-based: hiring Mike Peppel, who paid a $25,000 Ohio AG civil penalty and accepted a lifetime Ohio charity-solicitation ban over the East Palestine-relief "Ohio Clean Water Fund" scheme, as his communications director and defending the hire. A judgment drag, not an enrichment finding.
6. Severity-Class Conduct
No documented Severity-class conduct under any of the eight criteria. He was seated June 2024, after the Dec 2020 certification, he is not on the Texas v. Pennsylvania amicus signatory list and could not be, and was not present for the Jan-6 certification, so crit-8 does not apply. No documented sustained enemy-making or incitement pattern (crit-10). The 2022 property-shooting incident was investigated and not charged (appearance-concern). The Peppel hire is a judgment/fiduciary concern, not a Severity-class flag. Flag count: zero.
7. What The Framework Says
Rulli's record is short and lands in an honest middle. He clears the most serious bars: no Severity-class conduct, no enrichment finding, and, having been seated in June 2024, no possible involvement in the 2020 certification subversion that caps so many of his cohort. What holds him down from a higher mark is genuine but lesser: a fiduciary-judgment concern in hiring and defending a staffer tied to a charity-fraud settlement, an above-median missed-vote rate, a thin substantive legislative output, and a disputed (uncharged) 2022 property-shooting incident weighed as an appearance-concern. The short tenure means much of the score is confidence-adjusted toward the middle rather than driven by strong evidence in either direction. Adequate, not yet proven in either direction.
8. Sources & Where To Look Deeper
Tier 1 (primary): Congress.gov member profile · U.S. House Clerk, 119th Congress
Tier 2: GovTrack · WFMJ, Peppel hire reporting · Mahoning Matters, 2022 incident reporting
Research links: Congress.gov member profile · Ballotpedia · GovTrack · OpenSecrets · Wikipedia
Scores derive from the fixed Constitutional Weight Schedule. The bar does not move. Conduct, not party.