DOCUMENT: CLS-REBUILD · CLASSIFICATION: PUBLIC METHODOLOGY: SYMMETRIC · STATUS: ACTIVE

← Roster

542
Unfit
CHARACTER CREDIT SCORE · 300–850
19/40
Weak
FOUR PILLARS

Composite 5.03 / 10, weighted per the Constitutional Weight Schedule.

Below the 700 bar, Author's Verdict: not supported.

Support is foreclosed by a confirmed capping severity flag (process subversion), independent of the composite. At credit 542 (Unfit band) the record does not clear the support line on conduct.

⚑ Severity flag, the third axis, independent of the composite
Criterion 8, Institutional-norm / process subversion · Capping flag, forecloses support

Meuser is a verified signatory of the amicus brief of 126 Representatives in Texas v. Pennsylvania, filed December 11, 2020, which urged the Supreme Court to set aside the certified electoral votes of Georgia, Michigan, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin. This is legal-on-its-face power (standing to file an amicus) used to attempt to defeat the constitutional purpose of a completed and certified election, the defining example of criterion-8 process subversion. It hits M01 and M04 and drives M01 to the 2–3 floor. The capping flag forecloses author_verdict.support regardless of composite.

Evidence: Texas v. Pennsylvania Amicus Brief of 126 Representatives (Supreme Court filing)

A capping flag forecloses an Author's Verdict of "supported" regardless of the composite; a terminal flag suspends the number entirely. Conduct is weighed on documented evidence, applied symmetrically. How flags work →

★ Service to Country
None · N/A · N/A

No military service record. Career in business (Pride Mobility Products) and as Pennsylvania Secretary of Revenue (2015–2019) before election to the U.S. House. Service-record block is note-only; it does not move the composite.

The 14 measures

Each measure is scored 0–10 against an anchored example, with a cited source. Hover/expand why? for the reasoning.

#MeasureScoreWhy
M01 Duty to Constitution & Rule of Law 3
why?
Driven to the criterion-8 floor. Meuser is a verified signatory of the December 11, 2020 amicus brief of 126 Representatives in Texas v. Pennsylvania, which asked the Supreme Court to invalidate the certified electoral votes of four states, legal-on-its-face power deployed to defeat the constitutional purpose of a completed election. This is process subversion (capping), not the ordinary exercise of objection. NOTE: his Jan-6 certification vote, his impeachment vote, and his Jan-6 commission vote are NOT scored here, those are the constitutional process working and are excluded by the contamination rule. The amicus signature is the scored conduct. [source]
M02 Party Over Country 6
why?
Mixed bipartisan record. Lugar BPI 117th Congress score -0.085 (ranked 121st House); 118th ranked ~157th, below the midpoint but not a bottom-tier rejectionist. Sponsors and co-sponsors across-aisle on finance and commerce items at a modest rate. Honest middle: works the institution on legislation, not a pure-blockade posture. [source]
M03 Persons of Equal Worth 6
why?
Upper-middle with a real drag. No sustained pattern of casting opponents as enemies who do not belong (so no criterion-10). But the 2025 remark suggesting Gov. Shapiro's conduct and rhetoric 'possibly led to' the arson attack on the Governor's Residence, drawing a public rebuke, is a documented anti-belonging instance attributing political violence to an opponent. Single contested episode, not a campaign; weighed, not capped. [source]
M04 Weaponization of Justice 3
why?
Criterion-8 also lands here. Lending the office's legal weight to a suit seeking to discard another state's certified electors is the abuse-of-power axis of the same conduct: using legitimate standing-to-file to attempt to override a lawful election outcome. Floor-adjacent. [source]
M05 Incitement / Anti-Belonging 5
why?
Middle. Mostly conventional partisan rhetoric, but the Shapiro-arson attribution and a habit of framing opponents' conduct as causes of unrest pull restraint down to the midpoint. No documented slur or dehumanization pattern that would push lower. [source]
M06 Fiduciary Conduct 5
why?
A genuine fiduciary appearance-concern. Meuser filed required disclosures of family stock transactions (incl. a large NVIDIA sale) roughly a year late, a STOCK Act periodic-transaction-report violation resolved with the standard $200 late fee. He attributed it to a brokerage/human error and corrected it. Resolved transparency lapse, not a finding of self-dealing, weighed as appearance, mitigated by correction. [source]
M07 Duty to Call Out 4
why?
Below midpoint. The active-duty standard is calling out one's OWN side at cost, and the record shows little of that. He criticized the Jan-6 violence as a 'terrible day' but did not break from his party on the election-overturning effort he had joined. No documented instance of paying a price to correct his own coalition. [source]
M08 The Discretion Test 5
why?
Middle on the discretion test. No standout instance of choosing the harder principled path against self-interest; conversely no documented abuse of discretionary authority for personal advantage. Default-middle for an unremarkable record on this axis. [source]
M09 The No-Camera Test 6
why?
Upper-middle. No documented gap between a private contempt and a public face; constituent town-hall engagement is on the record. Nothing surfaced suggesting a two-faced posture, so this sits modestly above the midpoint. [source]
M10 Constituent-vs-Donor Vote 6
why?
Upper-middle. Holds town halls (including electronic forums) and maintains district casework; his policy emphasis tracks a rural/exurban PA-9 constituency. No evidence of donor-capture overriding constituent interest, but nothing exceptional either. [source]
M11 Net-Worth Trajectory 6
why?
Scored ONLY on office-attributable enrichment, not raw wealth (he is independently wealthy from a pre-office family business, NOT penalized). No documented self-dealing, family-payment scheme, office-information trade, or foreign-government revenue. The late STOCK Act filing is a transparency lapse, not enrichment via office. Held modestly above midpoint as an appearance-concern only, no finding of improper gain. [source]
M12 Floor Decorum 6
why?
Upper-middle. Generally observes institutional decorum and regular order; no record of disruptive floor conduct, censure, or sergeant-at-arms incidents. The institutional-fidelity drag is the 2020 election-overturning effort, scored at m01/m04; ordinary decorum sits above midpoint. [source]
M13 Lying & Misleading 5
why?
Middle. The 2020 election-fraud premise underlying the amicus he signed, and the contested arson-causation claim, are documented departures from a strict truth standard, but there is no sustained, serial documented-falsehood pattern of the kind that pushes to the floor. Midpoint. [source]
M14 Knowledge Depth 6
why?
Upper-middle. Demonstrated working command of finance, tax, and commerce policy (Financial Services / Ways and Means orbit); legislation clusters in his areas of competence rather than pure messaging bills. Substance present, not field-leading. [source]

Why not higher, the points withheld

The standard is the seat; the ceiling is a perfect 10. Every withheld point traces to documented conduct, weighed where the measures and attributes say it belongs, shown openly here, the same way the earned points are.

WhereDocumented conductMitigation weighed
M01 Signed the Texas v. Pennsylvania amicus brief (filed 2020-12-11) seeking to invalidate four states' certified electoral votes
↳ Criterion-8 process subversion, using legitimate legal standing to attempt to defeat a completed election
A legal filing, not unilateral action; the Court rejected it for lack of standing. Mitigation does not lift the capping floor.
M04 Same amicus signature, office legal weight lent to overturning certified electors
↳ Abuse-of-power axis of the criterion-8 conduct
Process ran its course through the courts
M03 2025 remark suggesting Gov. Shapiro's conduct/rhetoric 'possibly led to' the arson attack on the Governor's Residence
↳ Persons of Equal Worth, anti-belonging instance attributing political violence to an opponent
Single contested episode, not a sustained enemy-making pattern; no criterion-10
M06 STOCK Act periodic-transaction reports filed ~1 year late, incl. a large family NVIDIA sale
↳ Fiduciary appearance-of-impropriety / transparency lapse
Resolved with standard $200 late fee; attributed to brokerage/human error and corrected. No self-dealing finding.
M07 No documented instance of calling out his own side at cost on the election-overturning effort
↳ Active-duty standard unmet, own-side accountability
Did publicly call the Jan-6 violence a 'terrible day for our nation'
Pillar I The 2020 amicus signature is a break from the oath's defense of the constitutional order (Loyalty to office over coalition)
↳ Trust & Loyalty drag, coalition over constitution
No record of personal involvement in the violence itself
Pillar III Power directed at overturning a certified result (Protection) + the arson-causation rhetoric (Restraint)
↳ Protection/Influence drag
Genuine constituent-service engagement counts the other direction
Pillar IV The election-overturning effort plus the truth-standard departures asterisk the legacy (Integrity/Love of Truth)
↳ Legacy & Virtue drag
Routine institutional decorum and competence on finance policy temper but do not erase

The Four Pillars, worthy to be followed?

A separate axis from the 14 measures. The measures ask did their conduct meet the standard; the Pillars ask is this someone worthy to be elevated and followed at all. The two can diverge, when they do, the divergence is the finding.

#PillarScoreWhy
I Trust & Loyalty
  • Would I follow them into uncertainty or adversity?
  • Would I trust them with my life or reputation?
  • Would I trust them to lead others honorably when the stakes are high?
4
why?
Attributes: Loyalty, Courage, Selfless Service, Steadiness. The defining drag is the 2020 amicus signature, placing coalition objective over the constitutional order the oath protects. No counter-evidence of standing against his own side at cost. Below midpoint.
II Aspiration & Integrity
  • Do I admire their values and how they live them?
  • Do they reflect the kind of person I hope to become?
  • Do I feel challenged to be better because of their example?
5
why?
Attributes: Conviction, Authenticity, Self-Reflection, Teachability. He owns his positions plainly (Authenticity), but the election-fraud premise and the unwalked-back arson-causation remark show limited Self-Reflection on documented overreach. Midpoint.
III Protection & Influence
  • Would I trust this person to protect what I love most?
  • Would I trust them to influence someone I care deeply about?
  • Would those under their authority be safer and better for it?
5
why?
Attributes: Protection, Courage in Conflict, Stewardship, Restraint. Genuine constituent service and committee competence pull up; the overturning effort and the arson rhetoric pull down. Net midpoint, no Exploitation finding.
IV Legacy & Virtue
  • Would I be proud if my child grew up to be like them?
  • Do they embody the virtues I want carried into the future?
  • If their influence continued in others, would the world be better or worse?
5
why?
Attributes: Integrity, Moral Courage, Justice, Love of Truth. Competent, decorous day-to-day institutional conduct, asterisked by the 2020 process-subversion act and truth-standard departures. Midpoint, drags temper a record that is otherwise unremarkable.
TOTAL: Weak 19/40

Total 19/40, below the midpoint. The Four Pillars track the conduct composite closely here: an ordinary, competent legislative record carrying one heavy criterion-8 drag and a real fiduciary appearance-concern.

What the Four Pillars are & the questions behind each →

In their own words

“We saw far too many protestors calling for violence against their ideological opposition. This type of rhetoric ... should be universally condemned.”

Statement on the No Kings protests · Rep. Meuser official X account · CONTESTED · cite

“It was a terrible day for our nation.”

One-year reflection on the January 6 Capitol attack, which he witnessed from the House Chamber · Daily Item, Jan 6 anniversary · ACCOUNTABILITY · cite

“Defended statements suggesting Gov. Shapiro's actions against the Trump administration and violent rhetoric were 'not helpful' and possibly led to the arson attack on the Governor's Residence.”

Reporter exchange after the arson attack on Pennsylvania's Governor's Residence; rebuked by Gov. Shapiro · Daily Item, local news · CONTESTED · cite

Full personnel file

1. Identity

Daniel Philip Meuser (born February 10, 1964). U.S. Representative for Pennsylvania's 9th Congressional District since 2019. Republican. Former Pennsylvania Secretary of Revenue (2015–2019) under Gov. Tom Corbett; former president of Pride Mobility Products. Considered but declined a 2026 run for Governor of Pennsylvania (July 2025), and is seeking reelection to the House in 2026. Member orbit: Financial Services and Ways and Means committees.

2. Voting / Legislative Profile

Lugar/McCourt Bipartisan Index: 117th Congress score -0.085 (ranked ~121st in the House); 118th ranked ~157th, below the chamber midpoint but not bottom-tier. Sponsorship clusters in Finance and Financial Sector (~22%), Commerce (~17%), International Affairs (~15%), and Taxation (~13%). DW-NOMINATE places him solidly on the center-right of his caucus. His Jan-6 certification objection vote, his vote against the second Trump impeachment, and his vote against the Jan-6 commission are recorded here as process/institutional votes and are NOT scored on the measures, per the framework's contamination rule that the constitutional process working is not graded conduct.

3. Constitutional Moments

The defining constitutional moment is adverse: Meuser signed the December 11, 2020 amicus brief of 126 Representatives in Texas v. Pennsylvania, seeking to have the Supreme Court discard four states' certified electoral votes. This is the scored criterion-8 conduct (m01/m04). He witnessed the January 6 attack from the House Chamber and described it as "a terrible day for our nation," but did not break from the broader effort to contest the certified result. His subsequent votes on certification, impeachment, and the Jan-6 commission are excluded from scoring as exercises of the constitutional process.

4. Rhetoric & Discourse Profile

Largely conventional partisan rhetoric with one documented anti-belonging drag: the 2025 suggestion that Gov. Josh Shapiro's conduct and rhetoric "possibly led to" the arson attack on the Governor's Residence, which drew a public rebuke. He also issued a condemnation of violent rhetoric at the No Kings protests. The Shapiro-arson attribution is a single contested episode, weighed at m03/m05, not a sustained enemy-making pattern, so it does not trigger criterion-10.

5. Fiduciary Profile

Independently wealthy from a pre-office family business (Pride Mobility Products), raw wealth is NOT scored. The fiduciary concern is a resolved transparency lapse: Meuser filed STOCK Act periodic-transaction reports for family trades (including a large NVIDIA sale) roughly a year late, a violation resolved with the standard $200 late fee. He attributed it to brokerage/human error and corrected it. No finding of self-dealing, family-payment scheme, office-information trade, or foreign-government revenue, appearance-concern only.

6. Severity-Class Conduct

One confirmed Severity-class flag: criterion 8 (process subversion / capping) for the Texas v. Pennsylvania amicus signature of December 11, 2020. This forecloses author_verdict.support regardless of composite. No criterion-10 (the arson-causation remark is a single contested episode, not a sustained pattern). Flag count: one capping flag.

7. What The Framework Says

Meuser presents an otherwise ordinary, competent center-right legislative record, finance and tax substance, routine institutional decorum, genuine constituent service, carrying one heavy and disqualifying drag. His signature on the Texas v. Pennsylvania amicus brief is criterion-8 process subversion: legitimate legal standing used to attempt to overturn a certified national election. Under the fixed standard that is a capping flag, which forecloses support no matter where the composite lands. The standard does NOT score his Jan-6, impeachment, or commission votes, those are the process working, and it does not penalize his pre-office wealth. What it does count is the affirmative legal act against the election, the resolved STOCK Act lapse, and the arson-causation rhetoric. Honest middle on most measures; capped at the top.

8. Sources & Where To Look Deeper

Tier 1 (primary): Texas v. Pennsylvania Amicus Brief of 126 Representatives (SCOTUS filing) · Congress.gov member profile

Tier 2: Lugar/McCourt Bipartisan Index (House, 118th) · LegiStorm, STOCK Act late filing report

Research links: Congress.gov member profile · Ballotpedia · GovTrack · Voteview / DW-NOMINATE · Wikipedia

Scores derive from the fixed Constitutional Weight Schedule. The bar does not move. Conduct, not party.

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